Constitutionally, Japan does not have a military. Article 9 of its 1947 postwar constitution, drafted under the supervision of the United States, explicitly states that Japan forever renounces war as a sovereign right and will not maintain land, sea, or air forces.
In practice, however, Japan now has a defense budget exceeding 9 trillion yen, or around US$58 billion, for 2026, placing it among the top ten in the world. This figure far surpasses Singapore’s defense budget of US$17.7 billion in 2025, even though Singapore is the largest defense spender in Southeast Asia.
This is one of the most striking paradoxes in modern constitutional history: a country that legally renounces war now ranks among the world’s top defense bugdets.
Born from Defeat
After Japan surrendered in 1945, the United States designed a new constitution with a clear objective, ensuring that Japanese militarism would never rise again. Enacted in 1947, the constitution firmly established that Japan renounces the right to wage war and will not maintain military forces in any form.
Japan is not alone in adopting such a stance. Italy did so in 1946, the Philippines in 1987 following the fall of the Marcos regime, Ecuador in 2008, Bolivia in 2009, Paraguay in 2011, and Azerbaijan in 2016.
Globally, 26 countries have completely abolished their militaries, while two nations have even enshrined the “right to peace” as a constitutional right for their citizens.
From “No Military” to Self-Defense Forces
Japan’s no-military commitment began to shift just seven years after the constitution came into force. When the Korean War broke out in 1950, the United States reversed its stance. Japan was now needed as an ally rather than seen as a threat.
In 1954, the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) were officially established, based on the argument that Japan retains the right to defend itself even if it renounces war.
In 1952, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida acknowledged that Article 9 prohibited Japan from maintaining military forces, even for defensive purposes. However, after the establishment of the JSDF, the government introduced the concept of the “minimum necessary force” as a constitutional workaround.
The logic was that Japan retains the right to individual self-defense, and the JSDF serves as its instrument, not as a military in the conventional sense.
This policy was later formalized under the doctrine of “exclusively defense-oriented policy,” officially defined in 1970. It includes limiting defense spending to under 1 percent of GNP and prohibiting the possession of offensive weapons such as nuclear arms, intercontinental ballistic missiles, aircraft carriers designed for attack, and long-range strategic bombers.
The Erosion of Pacifism
For decades, this pacifist principle held firm, until Shinzo Abe reshaped its trajectory. On July 1, 2014, Abe’s cabinet issued a resolution that unilaterally reinterpreted Article 9, allowing Japan to exercise the right of “collective self-defense.”
This meant Japan could now use military force to defend its allies, even if it was not under direct attack.
In 2022, under Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Japan adopted a new national security strategy that identified China as its greatest strategic challenge and emphasized the need for counterstrike capabilities, including long-range missiles. Masahiro Sakata described the move as “the death of Article 9.”
Under the current Prime Minister, Sanae Takaichi, the escalation has continued. Japan’s 2026 defense budget has surpassed 9 trillion yen, exceeding the initial target of 8.7 trillion yen.
Japan is now set to reach its defense spending target of 2 percent of GDP earlier than planned, achieving it two years ahead of schedule. Takaichi has also stated that a potential Chinese military attack on Taiwan could serve as grounds for a Japanese military response.
This marks the first diplomatic statement since the end of World War II openly signaling Japan’s willingness to engage in armed conflict with China.
Restrictions on arms exports, once tightly enforced, have also been significantly relaxed. Japan is now co-developing a next-generation fighter jet with the United Kingdom and Italy, and is finalizing a deal to export frigates to Australia.
Nuclear Policy: A Shifting Taboo
The most sensitive dimension of this shift lies in the nuclear issue. Japan has long adhered to its “Three Non-Nuclear Principles”: not possessing, not producing, and not allowing nuclear weapons on its territory.
However, since the 1950s, several Japanese politicians led by former Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi have argued that defensive nuclear weapons would not necessarily violate the constitution.
In recent years, several high-ranking Japanese officials have openly expressed support for the possibility of acquiring nuclear weapons. A government-appointed panel has even proposed that Japan consider developing nuclear-powered submarines.
Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi reaffirmed that Japan remains committed to the three non-nuclear principles, but acknowledged that all options are being considered for its next-generation submarines.
Eight decades after atomic bombs devastated Hiroshima and Nagasaki, a nation that once vowed never to wage war again now stands at one of the most critical crossroads in its postwar history.
